The victory of Donald Trump on the United States of America presidential election undoubtedly represents a substantial shift not only in America's domestic policy but also in its foreign affairs, as the guidelines responsible for boosting the Republican campaign were deeply based on revisionism regarding America's role in the international order. So far, Trump's administration seems to endorse his will to fulfill most of the promises he made throughout his campaign, although is yet to be seem if the President-elect will be able to promote such a huge alteration in the global order by himself, while he still faces substantial opposition inside the Republican party itself.

The core of Trump's agenda is profoundly rooted in populist and nationalist traditions, which 1 describes as being part of a "Jacksonian" tradition. Andrew Jackson's heritage 1 stands for isolationism and the entire refusal of the US as the leading country in promoting and implementing liberal values worldwide. As the President-elect Even prior to Trump, pundits already pointed out that there was an ongoing tendency on the US to reconsider its international status. 2 stated years ago that "The key factors in this move will be social, and they are working both within the US, where the will to support a superpower role may well be waning, and outside it, whether it wants to lead or not". Nonetheless, the Trump administration seems willing to amend on their own terms the liberal world order 2 erected since the end of World War II, when the US "stepped forward as the hegemonic leader, taking on the privileges and responsibilities of organizing and running the system" 3.

Even though the United States played a key role in developing and molding international institutions, according to their principles and traditions, a new guideline is leading the US on the way to an introvert stance before international commitments, which poses a clear threat to the continuity of the liberal order itself. As 4 highlights, "In contrasting his "America first" approach with status quo "globalism,"

Mead (2017) outlines that Hamiltonians and Wilsonians traditions that historically set the base for America's protagonism on developing international regimes. Washington's historic traditions outlined the promotion of concepts such as human rights, the rule of law and free trade, but those now are under the scrutiny of the American population, whose disappointment is leading the US towards revisionism:

challenge what the foreign policy establishment was preaching" 1 citizens", and being the role of the government to "look after the physical security and economic well-being of the American people in their national home" 1.

Moreover, 2 5.

Nevertheless, the "Trump Effect" almost jeopardized the diplomatic understanding that has underpinned Washington's approach to Beijing since 1979 6). Trump's diplomacy openly flirted with Taiwan, as the President-elect told Taiwanese President Tsai

Ing-wen that the US was not bound by the "One China" policy. Later on, Trump dismissed this possibility by affirming his commitment to the previous arrangement, but his unpredictable moves may still cast a long shadow upon the stability of the sino-american bilateral relationship.

Trump's foreign policy orientation indicate that his retrieval from the international boards may be followed by revisionism in the patterns of the US's most important relationships. Even though pundits already pointed out the need of increasing cooperation between the US and China, the panorama offered by Trump indicates that his path is leading to the opposite direction. Thus, after assessing the so-called "Trump Effect" both domestically and abroad, one need to comprehend China's role as a potential global leader, which is developed further in the next session.

The People's Republic of China is already a key player in the global order, due to its economics ascension in the last decades and its enormous demographic potential.

China has been able to enjoy the positive outcomes of globalization, as it figures among the main trade and investment partners of several countries throughout the globe.

Moreover, as Shirk (2017) 5).

China's extraordinary development in recent decades has earned it the leverage to demand a greater say in global affairs, and the country is indeed facing a window of opportunity given the outcomes of the "Trump Effect". Although Beijing is able to either support or undermine regional and global governance, it is already enrolled with increasing its participation in the international arena.

The debate on whether China's rise poses challenges to the "Liberal World Order" has been overshadowed by Trump's initiatives to undermine the set of rules that his own country devised over the last seven decades. The recent turn of events is demonstrating that

China is committed to maintaining and improving the current global order, simply because it benefits hugely from it. As Nye Jr (2017)

Fund.".

The initiative launched by China in 2013 in order to establish a multilateral development institution, the Asian Infrastructure Development Bank , was at first seen as a potential threat to the international order by the US. Washington not only refused to join the AIDB itself but also launched a quiet diplomatic campaign to dissuade its allies from doing so as well 7 2.

Despite Buzan's statements and given the current turmoil promoted by the "Trump Effect", China has already expressed its will to underpin globalization and the core pillars of the international agenda. Five years after Buzan's claim, China seems to have developed a coherent view of both the state it wants to be and the footprint it wants to leave in the global order. Thus, China has successfully fostered its legitimacy as a potential leader in the international society, as Xi Jinping's speech in Davos demonstrated last January. 8.

China is also increasingly concerned over climate change issues, as Dreyer (2017) notes: 9.

By assessing the speeches of Chinese leaders, one can imply that China is prone to offer the international agenda a new sort of leadership, based on its "peaceful development" approach on economic growth, harmony and stability, as presented by Yi 10.

Experts based in the US often advocates the need for the US to deliver policies disposed to settle Chinese ambitions. As 5 states, "The aim of such responses should be not to contain China but to get it to act as a responsible stakeholder in the international system". Nonetheless, with the Trump administration in charge of US foreign policy, China is seen merely as a contender on specific international regimes, and is no longer US responsibility to care about how the Chinese will fit in the international system.

China's rise has been a prominent debate over the past decades. The argument here is that China is comfortably taking pragmatic advantages of the current global order, so even if the "Trump Effect" intends to undermine it, China is ready to step up and succeed the US as the main sponsor of globalization and the international order derived from it.

Chinese leaders already disclosed their view on what the country intends to offer as result of its growing responsibility on the international order, and they are prone to maintain and improve China's quest for leadership. Nevertheless, one can imply that China will not be able to shape to world on its own; hence, the following session assesses the opportunities and challenges that Brazil may face in order to consolidate itself as an indispensable partner to China.

The world is currently undergoing unprecedented vicissitudes given the "Trump Effect".

Multi-polarization and globalization are at stake and while China accepts an increasing responsibility in safeguarding these global tenets, it cannot achieve it without strong international cooperation, especially from developing countries committed to multilateral governance. Therefore, the argument in this session is that there is a growing window of opportunity to China and Brazil to solidify their ties and joint its efforts in order to build a multilateral-based global order, as both countries represents emerging markets and developing economies seeking to improve their international role.

China is already aware of the need to improve its relations with Latin America as a whole. In November 2016, the Chinese government released its second "Policy Paper on Latin America and the Caribbean", which states: However, he remembers that while trade and investment from China helped to spur Latin industrialization of many of the region's economies" and "increased environmental degradation and social conflict across the region" 11.

The historic patterns of China's relation with Latin America are rooted in strong economic initiatives, while political enterprises tends to be left aside. 12 identifies this tendency as a consequence of US influence in the region and China's unwillingness to dent its relationship with its most important partner. However, the "Trump Effect" offers a chance to change this pattern, and "China's Policy Paper on Latin America and the Caribbean" seems to endorse it. China's commitment with Latin America includes the mutual reinforcement between China's cooperation with the region as a whole and its bilateral relations with individual countries. Therefore, given the current state of affairs between Brazil and China, one is prone to imply the immense opportunities posed to both countries to develop further its ties. (Itamaraty, 2017). Brazilian investments in China in areas such as aeronautics, mining, food, engines, car parts, iron and steel metallurgy, pulp and paper, and banking (Itamaraty, 2017).

Both countries' geographical size, natural resources and regional leadership has sought them to pursue stronger ties, which have been consolidated over the past decades especially by joint participation in multilateral initiatives such as the BASIC, G20 and the BRICS. Additionally, in 2015 Brazil joined the Asian Infrastructure Development Bank as one of its founders, demonstrating its will of participating in Chinese-led global initiatives. 10.

In

The Liberal World Order is a successful project designed by the US over the past seven decades, as Mazarr (2016) undermines the fragile pillars of the international order, given Washington's' resort to nationalism and isolationism. Therefore, this paper's conclusion advocates that China is prone to succeed the US as the key sponsor of globalization and the international order.

Over the last decade, Washington sought to accommodate China in the international system, in an urge to turn Beijing into a "responsible stakeholder". By welcoming and also trying to manage it, the US feared that China would turn into a freerider in the system, but what happened was that China became rapidly embedded in the liberal world order. China's increasing role in the Bretton Woods institutions, the United Nations Security Council and the WTO are examples of its will to be make the most out of a multilateral order from which it hugely benefits. Therefore, given Trump's willingness to weaken the main principles of the current order, China's officials already stepped up and presented Beijing's urge to defend it.

China has constantly avoided the idea of being a global front-runner, as Deng The new international order may not be utterly Sinocentric, but it will definitely display China as a key player on promoting and maintaining a cooperative multilateral international order.

In order to step into America's shoes as a global leader, China needs to foster its cooperation with key partners. The "Trump Effect" leave Latina America out of the US main strategic concerns, which allows political enterprises to be developed by China with the whole Latin America, and especially with Brazil, as the "Policy Paper on Latin America and the Caribbean" displays.

Brazil and China are already partners in several initiatives, contributing to the development of the multilateral global order, although there is still much to develop in terms of its bilateral political agenda, which is based mainly in trade and investment partnerships. The year 2017 will surely be important in China's course of development, as the 19th CPC National Congress will take place in the autumn and the 13th Five-Year Plan Both countries' goals to play a more important role in the international agenda can be skyrocketed by successfully addressing the opportunities and challenges of their domestic and international agenda. Specific topics of the Brazilian Foreign Policy that meant disagreement with China in the past are currently elapsed, while international regimes in which there is already cooperation stablished between both countries raised in importance over the past year. Therefore, the "Trump Effect" poses an important window of opportunity to the development of a key bilateral partnership between Brazil and China.

Thus, an international scenario driven by multilateral cooperation and fair relations between developed and developing countries lies in the horizon and Brazil can certainly consolidate itself as a key partner to China in its devising.